From an early age, many children in North America and around the world are exposed to two languages. Parents of multilingual infants and toddlers have many concerns about the risks and benefits of early bilingualism and how to best support their children's language learning. The six most frequently asked questions are: 

1. Is it true that multilingual kids are often confused?

2. Is it true that bilingualism makes kids smarter?

3. Is it best for each person to speak only one language with a bilingual child?

4. Should parents avoid mixing languages when speaking to a bilingual child?

5. Is becoming bilingual earlier, the better?

6. Is there a higher risk of language issues, delays, or disorders in bilingual children?

We've investigated these common beliefs and found our answers through scientific evidence to clarify these six of the most common questions parents have about early bilingual development.

1. Is it true that multilingual kids are often confused?

When multilingual children mix words from two languages in the same sentence, it is often misunderstood as a sign of confusion. This is known as code-mixing, a natural aspect of multilingual development, and bilingual children have solid reasons to do so. Some children code mix because it is common in their linguistic communities—children mimic what they see adults do. A second explanation is that young monolinguals and bilinguals have linguistic resources that are occasionally limited.

Bilingual children use their limited vocabularies the same way that a monolingual one-year-old might use the word "dog" to refer to any four-legged creature. If a bilingual child doesn't know or can't immediately recall the proper term in one language, she may borrow it from another language (Lanza, 2004). Rather than being a symptom of confusion, code-mixing can be viewed as a path of least resistance, indicating bilingual children's resourcefulness.

2. Is it true that bilingualism makes kids smarter?

According to research, bilinguals have distinct advantages in terms of social comprehension. This is understandable in some respects, given that bilinguals must navigate a complex social environment where various people speak different languages. Bilingual preschoolers, for example, appear to grasp others' views, thoughts, desires and intentions slightly better than monolinguals (Bialystok & Senman, 2004; Goetz, 2003; Kovács, 2009). Young bilingual children are also more sensitive to certain aspects of communication, such as voice tone (Yow & Markman, 2011).

Bilinguals have some cognitive advantages as well. Bilinguals appear to perform slightly better than monolinguals on tasks that require switching between activities and, in particular, inhibiting previously learned responses (Bialystok, Craik, & Luk, 2012). Furthermore, some data suggest that bilingual newborns have an advantage in specific memory areas, such as generalizing information from one event to another (Brito & Barr, 2012).

3. Is it best for each person to speak only one language with a bilingual child?

According to research, a one-person-one-language method can successfully assist with language acquisition of the two languages (Barron-Hauwaert, 2004), but it does not always result in good language acquisition (De Houwer, 2007). Furthermore, children who are exposed to both languages from the same bilingual parent are more likely to learn both languages well (De Houwer, 2007). A one-person-one-language strategy is neither required nor adequate for successful bilingual acquisition.

The number of words that children hear each day in each language can be used to determine the quantity. Hearing more words provides children more opportunities to learn a language, which leads to eventual academic benefits (Hart & Risley, 1995). Bilingual children who hear a lot of a language learn more vocabulary and grammar in that language (Hoff et al., 2012; Pearson & Fernández, 1994), and they will be able to process that language more efficiently (Conboy & Mills, 2006; Hurtado, Grüter, Marchman, & Fernald, 2013; Marchman, Fernald, & Hurtado, 2010). As a result, bilingual parents must ensure that their children have adequate exposure to the languages they wish to learn.

4. Should parents avoid mixing languages when speaking to a bilingual child?

Code mixing, or using components from two or more languages in the same statement or discussion, is a natural part of being bilingual and communicating with other bilinguals (Poplack, 1980). Even parents who have chosen a one-parent-one-language strategy still code mix from time to time (Byers-Heinlein, 2013).

The research on the effects of code-mixing on bilingual children's development is quite limited. One study of 18- and 24-month-olds showed that parents' code-mixing could cause decreased vocabulary levels (Byers-Heinlein, 2013). On the other hand, other research has found no correlation between code-mixed language and early language development (Place & Hoff, 2011). Furthermore, research shows that bilingual children as early as 20 months old may grasp code-mixed words and have similar processing processes to bilingual adults (Byers-Heinlein, 2013). This indicates that bilinguals can deal with code-mixing from a young age.

5. Is becoming bilingual earlier, the better?

Many people are familiar with the concept of a "critical period" for language acquisition, which states that humans are incapable of mastering a new language after a certain age. Researchers argue over whether a critical time exists and when it might occur (Krashen, 1973; Johnson & Newport, 1989; Lenneberg, 1967). Regardless of disagreements, research on bilingualism and second language learning consistently converge on a straightforward conclusion: learning a second language earlier is better. There may not be a sudden drop in language learning capacities at any stage in development, but there is a gradual decline with age (Birdsong & Molis, 2001; Hakuta, Bialystok, & Wiley, 2003).

However, it's best to think of it as a combination of biological and environmental elements. Early in childhood, our brains may be more responsive to language. But more importantly, our environment is more conducive to language learning at a younger age. During their earliest years of life, young children in different cultures and families are exposed to a diverse language environment. They are exposed to language in attention-grabbing, easily digestible bundles that are skillfully targeted at their developmental level (Fernald & Simon, 1984). Children are exposed to the language from their carer for hours every day. This high-quality, high-quantity language encounter frequently leads to successful language learning.

Adults and older children rarely have the same amount of time to dedicate to language learning, and they rarely have the benefit of one-on-one interaction with native speakers. Instead, they frequently end up in a classroom, where they receive only a fraction of the linguistic instruction that infants and toddlers receive (Lew-Williams & Fernald, 2010). Words are defined for them in class, and grammar is explained. Defining and explaining are helpful, but they aren't as efficient as learning a language from the ground up. Bilinguals who learn two languages from birth have better accents, a more extensive vocabulary, stronger grammatical skills, and superior real-time language processing skills.

Parents who have not exposed their children to each language from birth should not give up. Although infants' brains and learning environments are unique and un-replicable, there are numerous different approaches to encourage bilingual development. For instance, some parents hire multilingual nannies or enrol their children in bilingual schools to maximize their children's exposure to another language. This can undoubtedly lead to enhanced multilingual competency, but it is critical to continue giving them opportunities to practice each language as the child grows.

6. Is there a higher risk of language issues, delays, or disorders in bilingual children?

Language difficulties, learning delays, or being diagnosed with a language disorder are not more common in bilingual children than in monolingual children (see Paradis, Genesee, & Crago, 2010; Petitto & Holowka, 2002). Parents' impressions are frequently contrary to scientific findings, with many believing that their child is behind because of their bilingualism. While bilinguals are likely to have a language delay or impairment, monolingual children might also be diagnosed with one.

Science has discovered an essential property of early bilingual children's language knowledge that may explain the misunderstanding that bilingual children typically know fewer words in each language than monolingual learners. When you calculate bilingual children's "conceptual vocabulary" across both languages, the apparent difference disappears (Marchman et al., 2010). For example, compared to her monolingual cousin who knows 90 English words, a Spanish/English bilingual toddler who understands 50 Spanish words and 50 English words may likely not appear to be as competent at communicating. If 10 of the toddler's Spanish terms are also known in English, the toddler has a conceptual vocabulary of 90 words, which is similar to her cousin's. Yet even 50 vs. 90 English words can lead to noticeably different communication abilities, though these differences are likely to fade over time.

Conclusion

Research on bilingualism and the effects of learning two or more languages at an early age are continuous. There are podcasts and books on the subject by authors from around the world. Parents may be interested in learning more about this fascinating topic and these books are some of the most enlightening references. Let us know what you think or if you would like to receive more resources on the subject.

 

• Growing up with three languages. Birth to Eleven, by Xiao-Lei Wang,  Multilingualism Matters, 2008.

• A Parents’ and Teachers’ Guide to Bilingualism, by Colin Baker, Multilingualism Matters, 3rd Edition, 2007.

• The Bilingual Family: A Handbook for Parents, by Edith Harding & Philip Riley, Cambridge University Press, 2003.

• Raising Multilingual Children: Foreign Language Acquisition and Children, by Tracey Tokuhama-Espinosa, 2001.

• Raising a Bilingual Child, by Barbara Zurer Pearson, Random House 2008.

 

References

• Barron-Hauwaert S. Language strategies for bilingual families: The one-parent-one-language approach. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters; 2004. 

• Bialystok E, Craik FIM, Luk G. Bilingualism: consequences for mind and brain. Trends in Cognitive Sciences. 2012;16(4):240–250. doi: 10.1016/j.tics.2012.03.001.

• Bialystok E, Senman L Child. Executive processes in appearance-reality tasks: the role of inhibition of attention and symbolic representation. Dev. 2004 Mar-Apr; 75(2):562-79.

• Birdsong D, Molis M. On the evidence for maturational constraints in second-language acquisition. Journal of Memory and Language. 2001;44(2):235–249. 

• Brito N, Barr R. Influence of bilingualism on memory generalization during infancy. Developmental Science. 2012;15(6):812–816. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-7687.2012.1184.x.

• Byers-Heinlein K. Parental language mixing: Its measurement and the relation of mixed input to young bilingual children’s vocabulary size. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition. 2013;16(01):32–48. doi: 10.1017/S1366728912000120. 

• Conboy BT, Mills DL. Two languages, one developing brain: Event-related potentials to words in bilingual toddlers. Developmental Science. 2006;9(1):F1–F12. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-7687.2005.00453.

• De Houwer A. Parental language input patterns and children’s bilingual use. Applied Psycholinguistics. 2007;28(03):411–424. doi: 10.1017/S0142716407070221.

• Fernald F, Simon T. Expanded intonation contours in mothers’ speech to newborns. Developmental Psychology. 1984;20(1):104–113. doi: 10.1037/0012-1649.20.1.104.

• Green DW. Mental control of the bilingual lexico-semantic system. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition. 1998;1(02):67–81. doi: 10.1017/S1366728998000133.

• Goetz PJ. The effects of bilingualism on theory of mind development. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition. 2003;6(1):1–15. doi: 10.1017/S1366728903001007.

• Goodz NS. Parental language mixing in bilingual families. Infant Mental Health Journal. 1989;10(1) doi:10.1002/1097-0355(198921)10:1<25::AID-IMHJ2280100104> 3.0.CO;2-R. 

• Hakuta K, Bialystok E, Wiley E. Critical evidence: A test of the critical-period hypothesis for second-language learning. Psychological Science. 2003;14(1):31–38. doi: 10.1111/1467-9280.01415.

• Hart B, Risley TR. Meaningful differences in the everyday experience of young American children. Baltimore: Brookes; 1995.

• Hurtado N, Grüter T, Marchman VA, Fernald A. Relative language exposure, processing efficiency and vocabulary in Spanish–English bilingual toddlers. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition. 2013:1–14. doi: 10.1017/S136672891300014X. 

• Johnson JS, Newport EL. Critical period effects in second language learning: The influence of maturational state on the acquisition of English as a second language. Cognitive Psychology. 1989;21(1):60–99. doi: 10.1016/0010-0285(89)90003-0.

• Kovács AM. Early bilingualism enhances mechanisms of false-belief reasoning. Dev Sci. 2009 Jan; 12(1):48-54.

• Krashen S. Lateralization, language learning, and the critical period. Language Learning. 1973;23:63–74. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-1770.1973.tb00097.x.

• Lanza E. Language mixing in infant bilingualism: A sociolinguistic perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2004.

• Lenneberg EH. Biological foundations of language. New York: Wiley; 1967. 

• Lew-Williams C, Fernald A. Young children learning Spanish make rapid use of grammatical gender in spoken word recognition. Psychological Science. 2007;18(3):193–198. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9280.2007.01871.x. 

• Lew-Williams C, Fernald A. Real-time processing of gender-marked articles by native and non-native Spanish speakers. Journal of Memory and Language. 2010;63(4):447–464. doi: 10.1016/j.jml.2010.07.003.

• Marchman VA, Martínez-Sussmann C, Dale PS. The language-specific nature of grammatical development: Evidence from bilingual language learners. Developmental Science. 2004;7(2):212–224. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-7687.2004.00340.x.

• Marchman VA, Fernald A, Hurtado N. How vocabulary size in two languages relates to efficiency in spoken word recognition by young Spanish–English bilinguals. Journal of Child Language. 2010;37(4):817–840. doi: 10.1017/S0305000909990055. 

• Paradis M. A neurolinguistic theory of bilingualism. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company; 2004.

• Place S, Hoff E. Properties of dual language exposure that influence two-year-olds’ bilingual proficiency. Child Development. 2011;82(6):1834–1849. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-8624.2011.01660.x.

• Petitto LA, Holowka S. Evaluating attributions of delay and confusion in young bilinguals: Special insights from infants acquiring a signed and an oral language. Sign Language Studies. 2002;3(1):4–33.

• Poplack S. Sometimes I’ll start a sentence in Spanish y termino en español: Toward a typology of code-switching. Linguistics. 1980;18:581–618. doi: 10.1515/ling-2013-0039.

• Schellenberg EG. Music and cognitive abilities. Current Directions in Psychological Science. 2005;14(6):317–320. doi: 10.1111/j.0963-7214.2005.00389.x.

• Yow WQ, Markman EM. Bilingualism and children’s use of paralinguistic cues to interpret emotion in speech. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition. 2011;14(4):562–569. doi: 10.1017/S1366728910000404.